A sweeping set of upper schooling reforms — framed as anti-discrimination safeguards and high quality upgrades — has as a substitute uncovered deep fault traces round caste, entry, and the way forward for Indian universities. From protests towards new UGC rules to the Supreme Courtroom’s determination to pause their implementation, the talk has widened right into a broader reckoning over whether or not India’s schooling system is turning into much less equitable beneath the New Training Coverage. The Federal spoke to Prof Sukhadeo Thorat, economist and educationist, on why fears of “reverse discrimination” lack proof, how coverage modifications are reshaping entry to increased schooling, and why the present reforms danger entrenching inequality fairly than addressing it.
Is there proof of “reverse discrimination” beneath the brand new UGC guidelines?
I imagine this argument is totally unfounded. The UGC’s 2026 rules enhance on the 2012 rules framed beneath the UPA authorities. These 2012 guidelines have been taken to the Supreme Courtroom by the mom of Rohith Vemula, arguing that regardless of the safeguards, her son confronted discrimination that in the end led to his loss of life. The petition sought stronger implementation.
The revised rules intention to strengthen protections. The present objection is that caste is already a part of the overall definition of discrimination, so individually naming SC, ST and OBC may result in reverse discrimination. This doesn’t maintain up. Complaints are examined by an fairness committee. There is no such thing as a automated presumption. In 11 years of the 2012 guidelines, there has not been a single documented case of reverse discrimination or mala fide misuse by SC, ST or OBC college students.
Why is that this declare being pushed now?
That is political and ideological, not authorized. We’ve got legal guidelines towards untouchability, atrocities, non secular discrimination, and sexual harassment. Nobody says take away them as a result of they might be misused. However when caste is known as straight, there may be discomfort.
During the last decade, resistance has grown to acknowledging caste as a social actuality. It’s a part of an try and keep away from bringing caste and untouchability into public dialogue — together with via curriculum modifications the place Ambedkarite and Dalit-related content material has been lowered or eliminated.
What occurs subsequent after the Supreme Courtroom paused the 2026 guidelines?
The 2012 rules will proceed for now. The court docket has instructed an professional committee could refine the 2026 rules to take away authorized ambiguities. I count on the framework to return with enhancements. The following listening to on March 19 will likely be vital.
What’s your core objection to the 2020 New Training Coverage?
The most important challenge is that it was launched with out a severe research of the upper schooling system. The final nationwide coverage was in 1986, adopted by a Programme of Motion in 1992. For almost 37 years, reforms stayed inside that framework.
Earlier commissions like Radhakrishnan and Kothari studied universities and faculties, collected information, and consulted extensively earlier than recommending modifications. The 2020 coverage depends on “greatest practices,” typically borrowed from the US, with out analysing how India’s system has reworked — particularly via privatisation.
How has privatisation modified increased schooling?
Privatisation is now the dominant function. Greater than half of universities are personal. Round 65% of faculties and about 67% of standalone diploma and certificates establishments are personal.
This nonetheless understates the fact as a result of public establishments have additionally been privatised via self-financing programs. They cost excessive charges as a result of grants are insufficient. In Karnataka, for instance, when you embrace self-financing programs in public establishments, almost 73% of scholars are successfully paying private-level charges.
How do “high quality reforms” find yourself hurting fairness?
Many reforms declare to enhance high quality however not directly scale back entry for poorer college students.
One main instance is changing affiliating universities with unitary universities. The affiliating mannequin spreads faculties throughout small cities and rural areas, making entry low-cost and sensible. Changing to massive, multidisciplinary unitary universities concentrated in cities forces college students emigrate, pay lease, and bear increased dwelling prices. That reduces entry.
Equally, shifting from a three-year to a four-year bachelor’s diploma provides value. Over time, the labour market will desire four-year levels, however poorer college students could not have the ability to afford the additional yr.
Why does eradicating MPhil matter?
It cuts off an vital pathway for deprived college students to enter analysis. In establishments like JNU, many college students used MPhil to construct capability for PhD or to safe jobs. Eradicating it narrows entry to analysis levels and delays financial mobility.
What’s the downside with a number of entry-exit?
It normalises dropout. College students who go away after one or two years get certificates and diplomas, however this reduces the prospect they return and full full levels. Over time, it restricts superior schooling to those that can afford to remain on, whereas poorer college students accept early exits.
Do frequent entrance checks scale back entry?
Sure. They have an inclination to favour college students who can afford teaching and mechanical take a look at preparation. After frequent checks have been launched in central universities, SC/ST illustration fell in establishments like JNU. When India’s total enrolment price remains to be low, including high-stakes filters makes entry worse.
What’s your critique of “Indian Information System”?
Instructing information produced in India shouldn’t be the problem — it already exists within the curriculum. The issue is how “Indian Information System” is being outlined and applied.
In observe, it privileges Brahminical texts and beliefs whereas excluding non-Brahminical traditions resembling Buddhism and Charvaka. Additionally it is shaping political science and ethical schooling. This isn’t a impartial inclusion of Indian information; it dangers turning curriculum into an ideological undertaking that weakens crucial inquiry and constitutional values.
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