I BELIEVE training has by no means been given an actual likelihood in Bangladesh. It might sound controversial, however I can’t shrink back from saying this. I’m a product of the Bangladeshi training system, and I taught on this system for a very long time. I’ve researched key elements of the nation’s training coverage, supply and pedagogy for a few years. As each an insider and an outsider, I’ve seen training within the nation from inside out and outdoors in. My critique is a convergence of those varied views. Nonetheless, I don’t deny subjectivity — my very own values, beliefs, epistemologies, ontologies and so forth.
On the identical time, I’d argue that an auspicious second for academic (re)considering emerged with the formation of a preferred authorities after an extended interval of undemocratic rule. Though such optimism appears to be eroding with each passing day, it might nonetheless be potential to judge what training actually deserves and the way we will act on it with out additional delay.
It’s a nationwide fact that authorities funding in training has been very low — certainly, the bottom in South Asia. Definitely, we have to reduce our coat in keeping with our fabric. Nonetheless, thriftiness appears to be invoked solely when training budgets and some different social sectors are mentioned. The corruption business within the nation is value hundreds of crores of takas. Even bigger sums have been taken overseas illegally by corrupt capital flows in a globalised world. In such instances, financial prudence conveniently disappears.
However cash alone is just not the one query in discussions on training. Schooling insurance policies, curriculum reforms and pedagogical improvements are expressions of nationwide dedication to training. Satirically, these very expressions usually reveal how badly we fail to do justice to training.
A complete nationwide training coverage was launched in 2010. Sadly, its suggestions have been by no means acted upon, for causes we nonetheless don’t absolutely know. Coverage is a waste of time, vitality and agenda if it isn’t translated into motion — whether or not in curriculum, pedagogy, evaluation or every other academic follow.
Whereas the 2010 coverage remained largely ignored, the Hasina authorities launched a mega curriculum in 2021, promising what was referred to as the ‘complete transformation of training.’ The hollowness of this ambition grew to become evident inside a short while. Mother and father and different stakeholders protested the brand new curriculum on the danger of their lives, absolutely conscious that the regime was illiberal of crucial voices. The authorities didn’t even enable skilled dialogue. A seminar scheduled on the College of Dhaka was postponed just because the federal government didn’t need educators to specific ‘unsavoury’ opinions. The brand new curriculum thus grew to become an academic arm of autocracy — immune from criticism.
Hasina’s fall additionally introduced the autumn of the brand new curriculum. When the interim authorities took workplace in August 2024, the Hasina curriculum was deserted and faculties have been taken again to the 2012 curriculum. Whereas banning the curriculum of an autocratic regime gained public help, one should still query the knowledge of strolling backwards by the curricular path.
Essentially the most notable contribution of the interim authorities headed by Professor Yunus was its initiative on institutional reforms. Surprisingly, though commissions have been shaped in a number of areas, training didn’t obtain comparable consideration. This was disappointing, particularly when the latest curriculum had simply been stalled, pushing faculties again to an older framework. Schooling, as soon as once more, misplaced its place as a nationwide precedence. We have been informed that training reform was too political for a non-political authorities to deal with, and thus higher left for a future elected authorities.
Contemplating how the BNP authorities is now treating the reforms launched by the interim authorities, one might partially forgive the Yunus administration for its restricted consideration to training. An opinion piece printed on this newspaper on April 14, 2026, titled ‘BNP’s reform retreat,’ defined the state of affairs nicely. The writer, Ahammad Foyez, wrote:
‘In a comparatively quick span of time, a number of of the reform insurance policies adopted throughout the interim interval have been both revoked or drastically modified. They embrace reforms within the system of appointing judges, the organisational construction of the Supreme Courtroom, the functioning of the Nationwide Human Rights Fee, and anti-corruption insurance policies.’
Clearly, the institution is unlikely to entertain reforms initiated by the interim authorities, even when these have been well-liked and aligned with nationwide pursuits.
When the BNP authorities was shaped with a politician holding a doctoral diploma main the training ministry, there have been renewed hopes. In his earlier function almost twenty years in the past, this training minister had received public confidence by his uncompromising place towards dishonest in public examinations. Expectations have been excessive that he would convey a mini-revolution in training, guided by clear imaginative and prescient, targets and nationwide methods.
Public disappointment, nevertheless, started to floor inside the first few weeks. Revoking the lottery system in scholar admissions was not what folks anticipated. Enjoyable academic {qualifications} for varsity administration committee members marked a false begin. Extra damaging was the recruitment of college vice-chancellors by the identical previous partisan practices, utterly sidelining questions of benefit.
These actions could also be learn as early indicators of how the federal government intends to handle training and what may occur to folks’s revived hopes. Blessed with an absolute majority, BNP seems vulnerable to political conceitedness. If the present pattern continues, we might discover ourselves below one other anti-people regime.
The federal government’s perspective in direction of reform reveals a number of deeper issues. Regardless of all well-liked discussions of crime, punishment and correction, BNP appears to have realized nothing. It exhibits no willingness to deal with the destiny of the Awami regime as a lesson in political pedagogy. The celebration seems to be ungratefully detaching itself from the July motion, which not solely freed the nation from autocratic management but additionally introduced BNP to energy. It appears forgetful of what may need occurred to its leaders and activists had the Hasina regime remained in place. Above all, BNP seems to be perpetuating its longstanding behavior of not studying — from itself, from others or from historical past.
Regardless of these early frustrations, we nonetheless want to maintain on to hope that the younger authorities will display learnability in the long term. It’s encouraging that the prime minister prefers to combine and mingle with unusual folks. Hopefully, this may assist him learn the general public pulse extra precisely. The training minister has additionally indicated that authorities funding in training might improve within the subsequent funds, which will be learn as a small however constructive signal amid in any other case disappointing developments.
The sensible query, nevertheless, is that this: What ought to the federal government prioritise if it actually desires to offer training an opportunity? The reply lies in initiating a real nationwide dialogue. This dialogue should embrace specialists, academics, mother and father, college students, coverage authorities, growth companions and non-state actors. It should recognise that authorities authorities should not the only real house owners of training. Schooling belongs to everybody, and everybody has a stake in it.
Such dialogue can happen throughout the nation, initiated not solely by authorities companies but additionally by academics’ associations, mother and father’ teams and civil society organisations. The objective needs to be to establish key academic challenges that require pressing intervention by well-liked participation. Collective considering and shared insights should function important knowledge for reform.
Lastly, management in training governance should be ‘emancipatory’ in nature. The essence of such management lies in restraining the chief’s energy whereas inviting group experience, activism and possession in figuring out issues and creating options. Translating this imaginative and prescient into follow could also be tough in our prevailing political tradition, but it surely stays the one viable path if training is to make a significant distinction in life and society.
Obaidul Hamid is an affiliate professor on the College of Queensland in Australia. He researches language, training and society within the creating world. He’s a co‑editor of Present Points in Language Planning.
